Opinion: What Sean Hannity’s Move From New York To Florida Says About America

It’s humorous how folks will flip something right into a political cudgel, regardless of how petty or infantile. Earlier this month, Sean Hannity introduced he was leaving New York and transferring to Florida. Several of my conservative pals — sure, I’ve them; I hold them round as a barren supply of amusement (I child, in fact) — cheered the information as a result of, effectively, you recognize: New York = blue = unhealthy. Florida = crimson = good.

It can be straightforward to disassemble that viewpoint, the parable that crimson states are higher or cheaper to reside in than blue ones. But Hannity’s transfer speaks to a difficulty that deserves much more consideration, one thing that’s been endemic in America for 40 years, a risk far higher than any single coverage, program or platform: our inhabitants’s continuous sorting of itself into communities of conformity.

It’s readily seen in our election cycles. In the quarter-century after World War II, election leads to most counties turned extra intently divided between Republicans and Democrats. Throughout America, pals, neighbors and associates of various stripes and values may interact in vigorous, ongoing dialogue (the operative phrase being “ongoing”). Together they talked about forging some sense of nationwide unity out of their real issues. By 1976, the typical margin of victory within the 50 states was 10 share factors; in 27 states, it was lower than 7 share factors. In that presidential election 12 months, Gerald Ford, a Republican, gained your complete West Coast and most of New England, and he nearly gained New York.

But within the quarter-century that adopted, a cultural and political migration ensued, balkanizing the nation into little greater than political ghettos. The variety of counties the place one occasion or one other loved landslide majorities doubled. By the 2008 presidential election, with the nascent, poisonous tea occasion looming within the wings, the typical margin of victory topped 17 share factors, with blowouts in 29 states; simply seven states had margins of lower than 5 share factors. By 2020, greater than 20% of the nation’s counties had given greater than 80% of their vote to both Joe Biden or Donald Trump. Today almost three-quarters of us reside in counties like that — politically homogeneous, solidly Democratic or Republican, overwhelmingly liberal or conservative. The co-mingling of concepts, compromise and customary floor nearly disappeared.

One can think about why. In the post-WWII period, we had been extra conjoined as a nation, galvanized by the reason for freedom versus Nazi tyranny and by a booming economic system. Over the following quarter-century, Western Europe and far of the United States had produced societies with comparatively equal revenue, comparatively little poverty — comparatively, thoughts you — and quite a few alternatives for upward monetary mobility. It was hardly good, hardly utopian, however you may take a chicken’s-eye view of Western democracies and say, “These are among the most decent societies the world has ever seen.”

But a string of occasions — a era hole, political assassinations, a bitter defeat in Vietnam and the Watergate scandal, capped by a crushing recession that despatched rates of interest as excessive as 20% — lastly took its toll, and the winds of change started to take their course. America’s astounding postwar productiveness hit a wall as three linchpins of the nation’s economic system — oil, cars and metal — discovered themselves going through unparalleled competitors: OPEC seemingly found capitalism, leading to gasoline traces and rising costs; Japan started flexing its financial muscle with less-expensive metal and extra fuel-efficient vehicles. American staff who, in consequence, had misplaced their livelihoods within the industrial Midwest started transferring to what they hoped can be greener pastures of financial alternative.

These might have been the explanations why about 100 million Americans started migrating. The the reason why they moved to the place they moved could also be extra primal: an innate want for tribal consonance wired into our DNA since people first crawled out of the slime. Without a standard trigger round which to rally — World War II, for instance — we reflexively search the consolation of acquainted ideological or cultural cocoons, creating more and more homogeneous communities till we attain a degree the place we reside solely in locations with folks extra like ourselves. Unlike previous migration waves motivated by the hunt for financial alternative (comparable to African Americans transferring from the South to Chicago within the Fifties or Appalachian residents transferring to the Midwest after World War II), the American migration of the previous half-century has been animated as a lot by life-style and cultural decisions as by financial ones.

These divisions had been additional exacerbated by a rising inequality of wealth between city dwellers and rural residents. That hole had been shrinking all through the century after the Civil War, however after 1980 it modified. The wage hole started to widen, not between CEOs and the working class — that’s hardly a secret — however between college-educated folks transferring to city facilities and rural America whose residents weren’t solely much less prone to have a school diploma however who lived in areas that America’s enterprise increase has proven little curiosity in. Throughout the twenty-teens, solely 1% of all new companies began within the U.S. had been in rural counties.

Thus, in only a era’s time, as society turned extra cellular, a cocktail of migratory political, cultural and technological developments converged to make us much less agile and extra hostile. We sorted ourselves into communities politically segregated and ideologically insulated, and, regardless of entry to extra data than ever earlier than, we’ve sought solely the sources that affirm what we already consider, doing so within the protected areas of the communities to which we’ve clustered as a result of “everybody is just like me!”

That’s why in the present day, each little factor, each hiccup, any growth, whether or not of consequence or no worth in any respect, turns into simply one other go online the fireplace for somebody’s political agenda. Hannity is transferring to Florida? Who the hell cares? It generally jogs my memory of that defensive lineman who sacks the quarterback and does his little sack dance. Dude, there are three minutes left within the fourth quarter and your workforce is about to lose this recreation by 30 factors. Your sack doesn’t imply shit. Why are you celebrating?

It is a large, worldview-changing social science phenomenon. Yet it’s nothing new. Political factions have all the time been with us. What I’ve by no means understood is their worth, not to mention our attraction to them, both within the type of labels, comparable to liberal or conservative, or our two-party system of Republicans and Democrats. We had been warned of their insidious nature by no much less a determine than George Washington in 1796 in what got here to be referred to as his Farewell Address.

“Political parties serve always to distract the public and enfeeble the public administration. They agitate the community with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms; kindle the animosity of one party against another, and are likely, in the course of time and things, to become potent engines, by which cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled men will be enabled to subvert the power of the people, and to usurp for themselves the reins of government; destroying afterward the very engines, which have lifted them to unjust dominion.”

It can be troublesome to discover a doc by one of many nation’s Founding Fathers that gives a extra direct and acerbic evaluation of political events or the factions spawned below their banners. Washington was fearful of the inspiration and formation of political events. He believed people would turn out to be so enamored of their connection to events and their ideological character, and so covetous of what events may present them, that they might put issues of occasion over issues of nation.

Sound acquainted? If you have a look at the present mess that’s our political discourse in the present day and the pernicious affect of political events within the progress and lifetime of our nation, you perceive how prescient the primary president of this nation was. And, on the identical time, how insignificant a tv character’s transfer from one state to a different is.

People might say the media is in charge, however the media, whichever media these deflecting finger-pointers level to, wouldn’t do what it does if it didn’t have an viewers demanding they did it. It’s known as scores, and much an excessive amount of media is extra about enterprise than journalism. Clicks, hits, shares, viewers, readers and listeners.

A curious sidebar right here. In 1976, because the three networks (keep in mind when there have been solely three?) started broadcasting in coloration, NBC’s election night time anchor John Chancellor defined how viewers may inform which states went for which candidate by way of the colour of that state utilizing a brand-new gimmick: an illuminated map. States that went for Jimmy Carter can be coloured in crimson. States voting for Gerald Ford can be blue. That’s proper: Republicans blue, Democrats crimson.

That was how texts and reference books of the time did it, utilizing blue for Republicans partly as a result of blue was the colour of the Union within the Civil War. Blue, sometimes, is related to the conservative political events in Europe.

For a very long time, the three networks didn’t agree on the colour scheme. Finally, by the 2000 election, the maps had turn out to be a focus for viewers. Thus, consistency throughout media shops prevailed.

As we retreat from the sort of enlightenment that comes with routine publicity to totally different values, concepts and opinions, our option to segregate is feeding the nation’s more and more malevolent partisanship and political sclerosis. Can a home this divided stand, or will we stop on one another and in the end resort to some kind of secession?

Some years in the past, a girl known as my radio program to explain what she and her husband had been conducting on the enterprise they owned. They had about 100 staff. They felt it essential that folks be engaged and conscious residents, so the lady would maintain what she known as “lunch ‘n’ learns” all year long about numerous problems with the day. She may lead the dialogue; generally an worker may. Regardless of who moderated, the presentation was adopted by a dialogue amongst these in attendance. It acquired to the place staff had been fairly diligent in getting ready their displays. During elections, staff may usher in candidates to speak with co-workers attending the classes.

No one was required to attend, however the girl mentioned her staff preferred doing so. She mentioned that what everybody realized was that speaking about points civilly — even divisive points — acquired folks feeling a lot better about discussing these points and concerning the positions with which they disagreed. “It never became heated,” she mentioned, “but people became educated and engaged.”

Wonderful, proper? Well, an legal professional known as shortly after and warned that her concept confronted one potential drawback, even when it was completed throughout non-work actions, comparable to lunchtime: If somebody, maybe a candidate, endorsed explicit views that another person discovered offensive to different staff, that might current an issue.

Welcome to America, the place a lunchtime dialogue of concepts amongst residents with differing opinions “could present a problem.”

Unfortunately, if folks don’t speak about politics at work, there are few locations left the place they could have a face-to-face dialogue with these of a unique opinion. Churches at the moment are among the many most politically segregated establishments in America. Neighborhoods have tipped both conservative or liberal and proceed to take action, a sample exhibiting few indicators of relenting. Even volunteer teams have grown extra homogeneous.

In 1848, John Stuart Mill wrote, “It’s hardly possible to overstate the value … of placing human beings in contact with other persons dissimilar to themselves, and with modes of thought and action unlike those with which they are familiar.”

It’s hardly doable to overstate the rarity with which this type of trade occurs in America.

The risk isn’t range; it’s the extremists demanding ideological purity and uniformity of thought whereas calling it patriotism.

History is stuffed with males who’ve tried to impose their model of political conformity on society. Always, they mentioned, the issue was the individuals who didn’t agree with them, and by no means did they see that their resolution was all the time worse than the issue they claimed existed. They all failed. The seeds of their very own destruction had been by no means those that had been totally different; it was those that thought being totally different was unsuitable. How can we not see that?

We don’t have to sit down round, maintain palms, drink out of juice containers and sing “Kumbaya.” The Founding Fathers knew that variations had been wholesome and that debates over these variations ought to enrich our tradition, not coarsen it. While herding is an understandably instinctive trait, our energy to cause permits us to rise above our instincts. If we’re to make choices that greatest profit our nationwide curiosity, we should interact one another in a manner that permits us to see different-thinking folks as human beings, not adversaries.

Surely we’re nonetheless succesful, aren’t we? Or are all of us only a bunch of snowflakes on the lookout for the closest protected house?

Hannity transferring to Florida? Go forward. It’s a free nation. You transfer wherever you need. But by framing it as a political choice, all you’re doing is contributing to the issue, not the answer.

And that goes for any of the remainder of us. It’s a risk far higher than any single coverage, program or platform: We simply don’t appear serious about being a nation of variations anymore, and I ponder whether it will finally finish our nice American experiment.

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